Seeking and finding is a theological concept which from the time of the exile is found in texts stamped by prophetic influence. It expresses impressively God's saving movement towards his scattered people and the return of the people to its God. Qohelet knew this theological heritage and reflected on it critically in the light of his own presuppositions. Thus he speaks of a seeking that is imposed on man, which is not rewarded by any finding. God makes the finding impossible, doubtless because he himself has (in vain?) become a seeker (cf. Qoh 3,10-15). On the other hand where Qohelet knows of a finding, what is found is a doubtful and depressing gift (cf. 7,23-29). The futility of seeking is reflected in what is found. That Qohelet can finally speak of finding already hints at its particular characteristic. It is finding as rejection of seeking and as affirmation of confidence in a world that is God's unfathomable work. It is a hope of finding that does not indeed bring knowledge but some good as a share to be shared (cf. 11,1-6).
Jer 52 is shown to be the key to the book of Jeremiah in three respects: a) For the investigation of the relationship between the Hebrew and Greek texts of Jer it provides the only independent point of comparison based on its parallel texts, especially 2 Kings 2425. b) For the connections between the dtr literature and Jer, Jer 52 presents the closest link. This chapter makes clear that the editing of Jer even when it goes so far as to recapitulate verbatim as here clearly places it own emphasis. c) For the connections within the book of Jer, ch. 52 represents the longest doublet (with 39,1-10). This doublet together with further links to other texts of Jer permits us to observe the modus operandi and interests of a redaction that stamps the book in a fundamental way.
It is a well-known fact that even in its earliest edition, an Aramaic translation or targum was amongst the vast and varied material assembled for inclusion in the Rabbinic Bible. But in contrast to the comparative wealth of information we possess regarding the circumstances surrounding its publication, we possess little knowledge with regard to the sources used by Felix de Prato when he took up the task of editing the 1517 Rabbinic Bible for the Venetian publisher Daniel Bomberg. While prior research has shown the importance of the targum text preserved in the Solger Codex (Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg) in any attempt to solve the puzzle of the pre-history of the Rabbinic Bible's targum text, many pieces of this puzzle remain as yet unexamined. The present study locates the targum text preserved in MS Nürnberg (Solger Codex) within the stemmatological framework proposed by D. Stec in the introduction to his critical edition of the Targum of Job. More importantly, the present paper presents decisive evidence (through the detection of editorial errors) that the editor of the first Rabbinic Bible (Felix de Prato) copied his targum text of Job directly from Codex Solger preserved in the Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg.
After a general discussion of the myth regarding Demeter, Persephone and Hades/Pluto, the author discusses, in the light of coins of the early Neronian period (54-59 AD), the likelihood that the Plutonium of Hierapolis is the geographical spot the author wants his readers to imagine when they read in the Letter to the Colossians that Christ entered the lowermost parts of the earth.
According to 1 Chr 4,18, a Judahite named Mered, who lived in the 12th or 11th century BCE, was married to a "daughter/granddaughter of Pharaoh". The name of the woman, vocalized Bitte6-Ya= in the Babylonian and Alexandrian traditions, is Semitic rather than Egyptian, but it exhibits non-Israelite features and is unique in the Bible. It is very similar to Bint(i)-(Anat, the Canaanite name borne by the daughter/wife of Ramesses II in the 13th century BCE. For chronological and other reasons, the biblical Bitte6-Ya= cannot be identified with this Egyptian princess/queen of the nineteenth dynasty; however, since many names of Ramesses II's children were re-used in the twentieth dynasty, there may well have been a 12th/11th-century Ramessid lady named Bint(i)-(Anat, perhaps a granddaughter of Ramesses III, who married a Judahite.
The dimensions of the "molten sea", the huge vessel fabricated for King Solomons temple, are given in 1 Kgs 7,23.26 (MT) and 3 Kingdoms 7,10.12 (LXX). All measurements of the MT correspond exactly to those of the LXX except one, the circumference. The MT gives "thirty cubits" and the LXX "thirty-three cubits". It seems probable that the MT used the value attributed to pi by the Old Babylonian (pi = 3), whereas the LXX may have known the more accurate value discovered by Archimedes and presumably known in Alexandria (pi = approximately 3 1/7).