Callia Rulmu, «Between Ambition and Quietism: the Socio-political Background of 1 Thessalonians 4,9-12», Vol. 91 (2010) 393-417
Assuming the Christian group of Thessalonica to be a professional voluntary association of hand-workers (probably leatherworkers), this paper argues that 1 Thessalonians in general, and especially the injunction to «keep quiet» (4,11), indicates Paul’s apprehension regarding how Roman rulers, city dwellers, and Greek oligarchies would perceive an association converted to an exclusive cult and eager to actively participate in the redistribution of the city resources. Paul, concerned about a definite practical situation rather than a philosophically or even theologically determined attitude, delivered precise counsel to the Thessalonians to take a stance of political quietism as a survival strategy.
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BETWEEN AMBITION QUIETISM
AND
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impossible because the city council (boylh) of the Greek cities,
originally composed of members elected at regular intervals since
the time of the Republic, gradually evolved into a permanent body
with life membership. By the point that, by the beginning of the
Imperial age, permanent councils were a reality in most of the
Greek cities of Asia 76. Striving to enhance the economic stability
of his kingdom in Judea and Asia Minor, Augustus simply
tolerated these established Greek oligarchies for the administration
of local power 77. Remarkably, in at least one instance Augustus did
not want to re-establish the boylh of Alexandria because he was
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not totally sure of the loyalty of its Greek inhabitants (P. Oxy.
XXV 2435 verso, ln. 56-58 ; the city council was eventually
restored by Septimius Severus: Dio Pruss., Orat. 51.17.2-3) 78.
By the time of Paul, the Eastern provinces of the Empire were
struggling with social and political unrest: on the one hand, the
Greek oligarchies reclaimed and de facto wielded their power
despite in loco Roman magistrates; on the other hand, the lower
strata of society started developing some ambitions, especially in
the cities 79. The story of Petraeus reveals digardes a glimpse of the
nature and the extent of the power held by Greek oligarches within
their cities 80. A century after the event, Plutarch (Praec. Rei pub.
Ger. 19.815D) recounts that L. Cassius Petraeus fought against
Hegesaretus to support Caesar’s hegemony in Thessalia. Since
Thessalia was still the cradle of oligarchy families hostile to the
Caesars, Petraeus was killed by the local dissident power when
Caesar was assassinated (Cicero, Phil. 13.33). A few years later,
Augustus presided over a trial in Thessalia (kaisarov krıma), but
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even after his intervention the dissidents had the audacity — and
the political power — to burn alive Petraeus, son of Cassius
Petraeus, a Thessalian general loyal to the Imperial house, like his
G.W. BOWERSOCK, Augustus and the Greek World (Oxford 1965) 87-88.
76
E.S. GRUEN, “The Imperial Policy of Augustusâ€, Between Republic and
77
Empire. Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate (eds. K.A. RAAFLAUB
– M. TOHER) (Berkeley – Los Angeles – Oxford 1990) 414; J.E. STAMBAUGH
– D.L. BALCH, The New Testament in Its Social Environment (Library of
Early Christianity 2; Philadelphia, PA 1986) 18-20; BOWERSOCK, Augustus,
87.
BOWERSOCK, Augustus, 90.
78
ALFÖLDY, The Social History, 133-141; LEE, “Social Unrestâ€, 130.
79
Recalled by BOWERSOCK, Augustus, 104.
80