Nadav Na’aman, «The Israelite-Judahite Struggle for the Patrimony of Ancient Israel», Vol. 91 (2010) 1-23
The article addresses the controversial issue of the formation of "biblical Israel" in biblical historiography. It begins by presenting the political-cultural struggle between Assyria and Babylonia in the second and first millennia BCE, in part over
the question of ownership of the cultural patrimony of ancient Mesopotamia. It goes on to examine relations between Judah and Israel and compares them to those between Assyria and Babylonia. It then suggests that the adoption of the Israelite
identity by Judah, which took place during the reign of Josiah as part in his cultic reform, was motivated by the desire to take possession of the highly prestigious heritage of Israel, which had remained vacant since that kingdom’s annexation by
Assyria in 720 BCE.
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THE ISRAELITE-JUDAHITE STRUGGLE
is notably absent in the prophecies of Isaiah and Micah 47. Some
texts (in particular Exod 15,1-17 ; 1 Kgs 12,28 ; Ps 78) hint that the
Exodus tradition was known also in Judah in the pre-Exilic period 48 ;
but whether the Passover feast was celebrated there before the time
of Josiah remains unknown. According to 2 Kgs 23,21-23, Josiah
celebrated the feast of Passover, “as it is written in this book of the
covenant â€, but its celebration is presented as a great innovation
(“ For no such Passover there had been kept since the days of the
judges who judged Israel, or during all the days of the kings of
Israel or of the kings of Judahâ€). In all probability, Josiah’s
celebration of the Passover feast in the temple was part of his efforts
to integrate northern Israelite traditions into his kingdom, just as
Tukulti-Ninurta’s and Sennacherib’s celebration of the Akitu
festival in Ashur was a way of integrating the Babylonian festival
into Assyria.
Historiographical compositions featuring the name “Israel†as
the ethnic-religious designation of all YHWH devotees should be
considered as part of this effort to gain control over the heritage of
t h e Northern Kingdom. Unfortunately, the date of these
compositions is still a subject of debate among scholars. The dating
is particularly significant for the story of the Exodus, which some
scholars date to the pre-exilic period and others to the exilic
period 49. If the former option (which I support) is accepted, it may
be understood as part of the effort to promote Josiah’s reforms by
S. DECK,“ Kein Exodus bei Jesaja?â€, Ich bewirke das Heil und erschaffe
47
das Unheil (Jesaja 45,7). Studien zur Botschaft der Propheten. Festschrift für
Lothar Ruppert zum 65. Geburtstag (eds. F. DIETRICH – B. WILLMES) (FzB 88 ;
Würtzburg 1988) 31-47, suggested that Isaiah alluded to the Exodus in some of
his prophecies. However, the evidence she brought is ambiguous and her claim
is not convincing.
Y. HOFFMAN, “A North Israelite Typological Myth and a Judaean
48
Historical Tradition: The Exodus in Hosea and Amosâ€, VT 39 (1989) 169-182;
G. DAVIES, “Was There an Exodus?â€, In Search of Pre-Exilic Israel.
Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar (ed. J. DAY) (London –
New York 2004) 26-27.
The date of the composition of the Exodus story is an element of the
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much broader debate over the composition of the Pentateuch, the Hexateuch
and the Enneateuch. The suggestions that the life of Moses and the Exodus
story are the original introduction of the Deuteronomistic history and that it was
written in the pre-exilic period make good sense. But this issue is too broad and
complicated to be discussed here.