Joel White, «Anti-Imperial Subtexts in Paul: An Attempt at Building a Firmer Foundation», Vol. 90 (2009) 305-333
This article argues that, though it cannot be doubted that there is a subversive quality to Paul’s letters, attempts to identify subversive subtexts have failed due to their preoccupation with what is deemed inherently subversive vocabulary. A better approach to grounding Paul’s anti-imperial theology is to recognize that he affirmed the subversive late Second temple Jewish-apocalyptic, and particularly Danielic, narrative that viewed Rome as final earthly kingdom that will be destroyed by the coming of God’s kingdom.
306 Joel White
Roman Empire could have lasted long if he resorted to it. That Paul
made such statements was, of course, the very line of attack pursued by
his enemies within the Jewish community. According to Luke, Paul’s
brief imprisonment in Philippi resulted from charges that he was, in
fact, involved in anti-Roman sedition (cf. Acts 16,21), an accusation
that followed him to Thessaloniki, as well (cf. Acts 17,7), and his long
imprisonment in Caesarea was due to the political intrigues of various
Roman officials who were responsible for determining whether Paul
had been guilty of the same crime in Jerusalem (cf. Acts 23,28-29;
25,8-9.18-19; 26,31). The fact that Paul was not condemned for
sedition until the latter part of Nero’s reign, when the emperor was
becoming increasingly capricious and dangerous, demonstrates how
careful the Apostle must have been to avoid overt remarks that could be
construed as anti-Roman (2).
2. Paul’s Positive View of the Roman State (Rom 13,1-7)
Still, Paul’s caution cannot explain the fact that he seems to lend
unequivocal support to Rome as a divinely sanctioned authority in the
one passage in which he actually discusses the relationship of
Christians to the imperial state: Rom 13,1-7. From time to time it has
been argued that Paul’s favorable view of the Roman government here
is conditioned by the time at which he wrote it: in the first half of
Nero’s reign, when it still seemed likely that Nero would, under
Seneca’s and Burrus’ influence, develop into a wise and humane
ruler (3). Paul’s reference to the “authorities†(ejxousivai), however,
likely translates the Latin potestates, a term that referred to a broad
range of Roman officials (4). Thus, Paul is probably not thinking about
appears as vicious as any modern dictatorship, with the difference that it lacked
the technology that in our age provides the means of total controlâ€.
(2) Cf. RUDICH, Nero, xxiii: “[First,] writers and orators of the epoch were
actually aware of the fact that their discourse could be subjected at any point to a
‘prejudiced interpretation’ by a benevolent or malevolent, dissident or censorious
reader. Second, any text or speech could theoretically be charged with an intention
to do harm. A Julio-Claudian public figure had to step cautiously, with an eye to
every word issuing from his pen or his mouth ... â€.
(3) Cf. e.g. Th. ZAHN, Der Brief des Paulus an die Römer (Leipzig 1910) 558;
R. JEWETT, Romans. A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, MN 2007) 793.
(4) Cf. V. ZSIFKOVITS, Der Staatsgedanke nach Paulus in Röm 13,1-7, mit
besonderer Berücksichtigung der Umwelt und der patristischen Auslegung
(Wiener Beiträge zur Theologie 8; Wien 1964) 64-65; A. STROBEL, “Zum
Verständnis von Röm 13â€, ZNW 47 (1956) 79.