42 Cornelis Bennema f1-3 col 1,10-13; 4Q175 5-18) (20). Collins argues that the dual messianic offices of priest and king imply a critique of the combination of these offices by the Hasmoneans (21). The end time is marked not only by the coming of the messiahs but also by an eschatological war between the powers of Light and Darkness. The Prince of Light (archangel Michael) and the Sons of Light (including the Qumran community) are pitted against the Prince of Darkness (Belial) and the Sons of Darkness, who are assisted by, inter alia, the “Kittim”, which probably refers to the Romans (22). The Qumran literature anticipated a legitimate high priesthood, a restored Davidic monarchy and a purified remnant of Israel at whose core would be the Qumran community (23). Since Qumran messianism was not monolithic, we shall first elucidate the messianic ideas in a few individual texts and then determine whether these portrayals contain common elements. 1Q28b col 5,21-26 echoes Isaiah 11 and presents a messiah endowed with the Spirit of knowledge and power who will bring judgment and “salvation” with the power of his mouth, with the jwr of his lips. It would probably not be too wide of the mark to claim that the powerful jwr of his mouth either refers to the Spirit of might or to the effect of his Spirit-endowment. 4Q161 presents a Davidic messiah who will participate in the eschatological war against the Kittim/Romans (24), and Isa 11,1-5 is even cited in its entirety (f8-10 col 3,11-16). This suggests that the powerful effect of the jwr of the messiah’s lips is due to his endowment of the Spirit. Perhaps this is why in line 19 the (20) The clause about the two messiahs in 1QS 9,11, however, is absent in 4QS (J.H. CHARLESWORTH, “Challenging the Consensus Communis Regarding e Qumran Messianism [1QS, 4QS MSS]”, Qumran-Messianism, 120-134). (21) COLLINS, Scepter, 95. G.S. Oegema argues more specifically for a priestly-royal messiah in the earlier literature (1QS, 1Q28a, 1Q28b, 4Q161, 4Q175, CD) as a reaction to the Hasmonean priest-kings, and for a royal messiah in the later writings (4Q174, 4Q246, 4Q285) as a reaction to the Herodian kings (“Messianic Expectations in the Qumran Writings: Theses on Their Development”, Qumran-Messianism, 53-82). Atkinson even argues that Davidic messianism emerged at Qumran only during the Herodian period (35 B.C.E.–70 C.E.) (“Use”, 112-123). (22) MURPHY, World, 206-208; COLLINS, Imagination, 155-157, 166-171. (23) C.A. EVANS, “The Messiah in the Dead Sea Scrolls”, Israel’s Messiah in the Bible and the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds. R.S. HESS – M.D. CARROLL R.) (Grand Rapids 2003) 90. (24) Atkinson, dating 4Q161 as Herodian, argues that the Kittim symbolize the Romans and their Herodian allies (“Use”, 117).