Serge Frolov, «Evil-Merodach and the Deuteronomist: The Sociohistorical
Setting of Dtr in the Light of 2 Kgs 25,27-30», Vol. 88 (2007) 174-190
The article demonstrates that four concluding verses of the Former Prophets (2 Kgs 25,27-30) militate against the recent tendency to view Deuteronomism as a lasting phenomenon, especially against its extension into the late exilic and postexilic periods. Because Evil-Merodach proved an ephemeral and insignificant ruler, the account of Jehoiachin’s release and exaltation under his auspices could be reasonably expected to shore up the notion of an eternal Davidic dynasty only
as long as the Babylonian king remained on the throne (562-560 BCE). Since the dynastic promise to David and associated concepts rank high on Dtr’s agenda, it means that the Former Prophets was not updated along Deuteronomistic lines to
reflect the shift in the audience’s perspective on Evil-Merodach caused by his downfall. If so, there was no Deuteronomistic literary activity in the corpus after
560 BCE.
188 Serge Frolov
and their immediate successors will pay dearly for their transgressions
(as promptly illustrated by the misfortunes of Solomon and especially
Rehoboam) does not necessarily contradict the thesis that David’s
dynasty as a whole will endure forever (as it does throughout the
Former Prophets) (39). As to the heterogeneity of style and vocabulary,
it may reflect the basic fluidity of the oral discourse: although the
Former Prophets as we know it is a written text, the creator of its
Deuteronomistic substrate was doubtlessly influenced by his or her
predominantly oral milieu where the utterances that we see today as
dissimilar were interchangeable (40).
Second, multiple authorship does not necessarily presuppose
substantial diachronic depth. Citing the apparent heterogeneity of the
Former Prophets, several scholars have recently argued that the corpus
as a whole is not an authorial or redactional creation: each book
thereof (counting Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings as such) evolved
on its own, after which they were brought together and arranged in a
chronological order by a canonical or proto-canonical process (41).
While rightfully pointing out that there is a large degree of
distinctiveness to each of the books in question, the hypothesis
founders on the complete absence of textual elements (e.g.
superscriptions) identifying them as literary entities in their own right.
One way to overcome the difficulty is to interpret the Former Prophets
as a group project of sorts whose authors worked on their assignments
(which may or may not be coterminous with what we know today as
books) individually but with an eye to the overall design. If the
(39) Already 2 Sam 7,14 anticipates the possibility of a dynastic scion
misbehaving and suffering the consequences. Indeed, a statement that any
Davidic descendant will thrive no matter what would border on the bizarre,
especially for an author concerned with observance of the divine law and seeing
Deut 17,18-20 as an authoritative text.
(40) PERSON, School, 85-95, citing S. NIDITCH, Oral Word and Written Word.
Ancient Israelite Literature (Library of Ancient Israel; Louisville 1996) and
studies of scribes and oral performers of traditional texts in different cultures.
Ironically, this consideration deprives Person’s reconstruction of a “Deutero-
nomistic school†active over several generations of a major raison d’être.
(41) See especially C. WESTERMANN, Die Geschichtsbücher des Alten
Testaments. Gab es ein deuteronomistisches Geschichtswerk? (TBü 87; Gütersloh
1994); E.A. KNAUF, “L’‘Historiographie Deutéronomiste’ (DtrG) existe-t-elle?â€,
Israël construit son histoire. L’historiographie deutéronomiste à la lumière des
recherches récentes (eds. A. DE PURY – T. RÖMER – J.-D. MACCHI) (Le monde de
la Bible 34; Genève 1996) 409-418.