Serge Frolov, «Evil-Merodach and the Deuteronomist: The Sociohistorical
Setting of Dtr in the Light of 2 Kgs 25,27-30», Vol. 88 (2007) 174-190
The article demonstrates that four concluding verses of the Former Prophets (2 Kgs 25,27-30) militate against the recent tendency to view Deuteronomism as a lasting phenomenon, especially against its extension into the late exilic and postexilic periods. Because Evil-Merodach proved an ephemeral and insignificant ruler, the account of Jehoiachin’s release and exaltation under his auspices could be reasonably expected to shore up the notion of an eternal Davidic dynasty only
as long as the Babylonian king remained on the throne (562-560 BCE). Since the dynastic promise to David and associated concepts rank high on Dtr’s agenda, it means that the Former Prophets was not updated along Deuteronomistic lines to
reflect the shift in the audience’s perspective on Evil-Merodach caused by his downfall. If so, there was no Deuteronomistic literary activity in the corpus after
560 BCE.
Evil-Merodach and the Deuteronomist 189
calculations above are correct, such a project could be easily
accomplished within a year or two.
Third, even the interpretation of variations and inconsistencies in
the Former Prophets as traces of its development over a relatively long
period would not necessarily extend Dtr’s existence over this period,
because many of them are attributable to post- and anti-Deutero-
nomistic interpolations. Heterogeneity created by the presence of such
interpolations obviously does not add a diachronic dimension to the
Deuteronomistic literary activity.
*
**
Of course, as long as there is no definitive evidence to the contrary
chances remain that the Deuteronomistic composition underlying the
received version of the Former Prophets evolved gradually, perhaps
along the double-redaction trajectory of the Harvard school, and that
only its conclusion (2 Kgs 25,27-30 or 23,26 – 25,30) plus a few
additional fragments date from Evil-Merodach’s reign (42). At the same
time, it appears worthwhile to explore the possibility that Jehoiachin’s
scribe(s) penned this composition, surveying Israel’s history in its own
land and stressing the divinely guaranteed centrality and staying power
of the royal house to which he belonged, in 562-560 BCE (43). Indeed,
the very concept of an eternal Davidic dynasty may be a by-product of
the unexpected, and therefore striking, brightening of Davidides’
prospects under Evil-Merodach. Even if it is not, the fact remains that
after 560 BCE no one attempted to update the Former Prophets in
accordance with this concept, especially to account for the crash of
hopes associated with Jehoiachin as a surviving Davidic king.
Although basic components of the Deuteronomistic ideology (strict
adherence to the Torah, cultic centralization, and even the Davidic
promise, eventually reconceptualized along eschatological lines) have
remained in circulation ever since, as a vibrant, (relatively) coherent,
(42) The Deuteronomist(s) could also use earlier sources and even include
them verbatim in the composition. Skepticism about feasibility of these sources’
retrieval has been on the rise in recent decades, but many exegetes still work in
that direction. To avoid going too far afield, I will refrain from further discussion
of the issue.
(43) The Deuteronomic/Deuteronomistic insistence upon centralization of the
cult would likewise have served the interests of Jehoiachin and his bureaucracy:
back in Judah, concentration of the Israelite worship in Jerusalem would have
doubtlessly contributed to their prestige, power, and wealth.