Callia Rulmu, «Between Ambition and Quietism: the Socio-political Background of 1 Thessalonians 4,9-12», Vol. 91 (2010) 393-417
Assuming the Christian group of Thessalonica to be a professional voluntary association of hand-workers (probably leatherworkers), this paper argues that 1 Thessalonians in general, and especially the injunction to «keep quiet» (4,11), indicates Paul’s apprehension regarding how Roman rulers, city dwellers, and Greek oligarchies would perceive an association converted to an exclusive cult and eager to actively participate in the redistribution of the city resources. Paul, concerned about a definite practical situation rather than a philosophically or even theologically determined attitude, delivered precise counsel to the Thessalonians to take a stance of political quietism as a survival strategy.
398 CALLIA RULMU
non-slave laborers and artisans would seek support in their kinship,
guilds, or friendship liaisons as a “defence against poverty,
hardship and the personal patronage of the wealthyâ€. Since the
voluntary associations functioned as social supports for their
members, it is hard to deny the heavy influence which patrons and
benefactors had upon them. The guilds could have functioned, and
as a matter of fact they did, as a means of displaying a patron’s
influence and honor, thus as a political entity 26. It is exactly for this
reason that the civic magistrates and governors appointed by the
Emperor regarded the collegia with suspicion. It is widely accepted
today that voluntary associations during the Roman period were
vienred with suspicion and carefully scrutinized even “well beyond
Rome’s gates†27.
Ascough is right when he depicts Paul’s exhortation in 1 Thess
4,12 “not as a means to change the fundamental constitution of the
group †but as a strong encouragement to gain “legal permission to
exist as that they are not singled out in such way that they must
disband †28. Although Harland’s remarks about the lack of evidence
in Asia Minor on the application of laws on voluntary associations
are correct (cf. Acts 19,23-41 and IEph 215, a second century edict
regarding the bakers revolt) 29, the important body of evidence we
have on how Greek and Roman officials perceived these voluntary
a s s o c i a t i o n s , the insistence of the collegia t h e m s e l ve s in
WINTER, “‘If a Man’â€, 311; P. MARSHALL, Enmity in Corinth: Social
26
Conventions in Paul’s Relations with the Corinthians (WUNT l; Tubingen
1987) 157-164; SALLER, Patronage, 205; S.C. MOTT, “The Power of Giving
and Receiving: Reciprocity in Hellenistic Benevolenceâ€, Current Issues in
biblical and Patristic Interpretation. Studies in Honor of Merril C. Tenney
(ed. G.F. HAWTHORNE) (Grand Rapids, MI 1975) 60-72.
COTTER, “The Collegiaâ€, 79; ASCOUGH, Voluntary Associations, 397.
27
ASCOUGH, Voluntary Associations, 401.
28
P. A . H A R L A N D , A s s o c i a t i o n s , Synagogues, and Congregations.
29
Claiming a Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society (Minneapolis, MN 2003),
claims that “[i]ntervention of officials in associations’ life of the provinces
was occasional, pertaining to the particularities of time and place and falling
far short of comprehensive control (cf. Philo, Against Flaccus 4-5, concerning
Egypt). When it comes to the province of Asia itself, we have absolutely no
evidence of Roman officials dissolving such groups or applying laws
regarding associations. Instead we have civic disturbances that illustrate well
the sporadic nature of controlling intervention of Roman officials in con-
nection with associations†(169).