Étienne Nodet, «On Jesus’ Last Week(s)», Vol. 92 (2011) 204-230
Five conclusions allow us to explain Jesus last days and to assess the significance of the actual Gospel narratives. Firstly, his last Passover meal (Synoptics, solar calendar) took place on one Tuesday evening; secondly, the origin of the Eucharistic rite on the Lord’s day has nothing to do with Passover; thirdly, a feast of Passover-Easter (Pa/sxa) on a specific Sunday emerged somewhat late in the IInd century; fourthly, before this date, the Synoptics did not have their final shape; fifthly Josephus provides us with a clue to understand Jesus’ double trial before Pilate in the Passion narrative of John.
212 ÉTIENNE NODET
and Sunday morning. As for Jesus’ last week, this is consistent
with a last Passover on Tuesday evening, three days later, with un-
leavened bread.
But one major problem remains. In 1 Cor 11,23, Paul says:
“ The Lord Jesus, on the night when he was delivered took bread
. . . â€. Even if we admit that he was arrested some days before his
crucifixion, we arrive at a twofold contradiction: if he was eating
the Passover meal that night, the rite must have been carried out
with unleavened bread, and this contradicts subsequent testimo-
nies ; if he performed the rite “on the first dayâ€, the disciples could
not have been with him for his last Passover. The tradition of a rite
in jail, as mentioned previously, cannot be taken seriously, but it
underlines the problem.
A sloppy solution could be to maintain that Paul is not inter-
ested in chronological accuracy, but this would be quite unsatis-
factory, for he is the most ancient witness and he transmits what
he has received, and not his own words. However, Josephus’ testi-
mony allows us to consider the problem from another angle and to
resolve a pending issue 15.
Since it involves the Slavonic version of the War, which is not well
15
known, a preliminary introduction is necessary. For a statement on the genu-
ineness of the Slavonic version as reflecting a first edition by the author, see
Appendix II in É. NODET, The Historical Jesus? Necessity and Limits of an
Inquiry (New York 2008). Here are the main arguments: (1) In the prologue of
the War, a work that received Emperor Titus’ official imprimatur, Josephus
states he first wrote it in Aramaic, then translated it into Greek; later, in Ag. Ap.
1:50, he confessed to have been aided in Rome by “some assistants for the sake
of the Greekâ€, meaning that he had to provide them with a Greek draft. (2) In
Life § 360-365, he says he sent this draft to friends for comments, which
amounts to a small-scale publication before the assistants’ help; so there were
(at least) two forms of the Greek version, and the first one should have dis-
appeared, but some copies can conceivably have survived in private libraries.
(3) A Slavonic (Old Russian) version, translated from the Greek, was discov-
ered in 1866; it is much shorter than the usual Greek, has a much more Jewish
color, but displays some unexpected additions: two sections about Herod the
Great’s would-be messiahship, and others on two unnamed characters, a wild
man and a wonderworker, who can be recognized as John the Baptist (under
King Archelaus, see Matt 3,1) and Jesus (under Pilate, one generation later). (4)
Numerous Greek works were meticulously translated into Slavonic in the Xth or
XIth century, with the aim of building a Christian library; they were sent from
Constantinople, in the footsteps of the mission of Cyril and Methodius in the
IXth century, sponsored by Patriarch Photius of Constantinople; the latter’s